2. People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army Commander Tarakka cleaning her rifle (Gadchiroli, Maharashtra). The PLGA is the 20,000-strong armed wing of the Communist Party of India (Maoist). Thanks to Lal Salam for the photo.

  3. My six graphics in support of the revolutionaries of Nepal, in case you missed one of them. Feel free to download and repost individually, no attribution necessary but link back to kasamaproject.org, or facebook.com/kasamaproject, if you feel so inclined.


  4. In our world, it is rare that defiance overruns despair.

    The spread of revolutionary dreams among the planet’s poorest people is a precious and welcome development. And the poor of Nepal have such dreams. The large revolutionary movement in Nepal, one of the world’s poorest countries, is almost unknown in the U.S. It is invisible in the world’s mainstream news reporting. It is treated as unimportant, marginal and even (most unfair of all) as “terrorist.” We ask you to take a moment to learn about it. We ask you to help spread the word. Millions of people in Nepal have sacrificed for radical change – acting together in waves of uprisings across the last twenty years.

    They have faced armed suppression. They have been betrayed. They have been threatened from abroad (by both India and the U.S.). Their fighters have been murdered, imprisoned and raped. Their leaders have been targeted for neutralization – either by repression or co-optation. In 2006, after winning broad popular support during years of guerrilla warfare, Nepal’s revolutionaries agreed to enter negotiations for a radically new society. The hated and corrupt king of Nepal was overthrown. A constitutional convention was convened to decide how power would be structured. And the people waited for change to come. Now, seven years later, a new quite-heroic wave of revolutionary uprising is about to break out.

    It has a specific date: November 19. The world must know about this. Those of us who hear about it must not be silent.


  5. The Communist Party of Nepal - Maoist, along with 32 other political parties, is organizing a boycott of the November 19th illegitimate elections called by the ruling powers of the country. The state has responded by arresting dozens of members of the CPN-M, while receiving large shipments of military aid from the US and India in order to repress the people’s revolutionary movement.

    Stand against US imperialism and Indian expansionism. Stand with the people of Nepal.


  6. In commemoration of the 34th anniversary of the Nicaraguan Revolution today, July 19th, 1979. (I wrote most of this a couple of years ago, and it’s just been sitting in my drafts folder… I hope you like it!)

    "What’s the confusion?" asked the sergeant,
    "Could it be that this bastard is the notorious Cadejo?"

    If there is one thing the Sandinistas took really seriously, it was the honoring its heroes and fallen comrades.

    The double-LP Canto Epico al FSLN, from which today’s song comes, features, among its 35 songs, 12 homages to martyrs of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional dedicated to Casimiro Sotelo, Pedro Aráuz Palacios, Eduardo Contreras, Julio Buitrago, Luisa Amanda Espinoza, Carlos Fonseca, Leonel Rugama, José Benito Escobar, Camilo Ortega, Germán Pomares, Edgard Munguía, and the topic of today’s post, my all-time favorite revolutionary, Rigoberto Cruz… better known as Pablo Úbeda.

    Úbeda was one of the earliest members of the FSLN, having been a participant in the Nicaraguan Revolutionary Youth (JRN) of 1959 and the New Nicaragua Movement (MNN) of 1962, two of the predecessor organizations to the Frente. Unlike the primarily student-based FSLN membership, Úbeda was a worker, and thus valuable in his ability to both relate to, and blend in among, the general population.

    He participated in the FSLN’s first guerrilla action in 1963 commonly known as Raití-Bocay or the Río Coco and Bocay Operation, a spectacular failure that, for a short while after, pushed the group away from armed struggle and toward reformist politics. The analysis to later come from FSLN leader Carlos Fonseca stated that the failure at Raití-Bocay was due in large part to an incorrect choice of locations; the town of Raití was largely populated by Miskito Indians who spoke little Spanish and often had little interest in the guerrillas. Because their relationship to the land (and to the rest of Nicaragua) was different from mestizo peasants, the FSLN was unable to relate and win over supporters that could assist with intelligence and supply lines, nor did its presence inspire a pool of potential recruits. In addition, Sandinista commander Víctor Tirado López notes, in his essay El FSLN, un producto y una necesidad históricos, that the operation demonstrated an overemphasis on armed struggle without undertaking corresponding political work, that it showed that links with the peasantry must be strong rather than fleeting to create a solid guerrilla base, and that the long-established Nicaraguan tradition of preparing armed ‘invasions’ from across the Honduran or Costa Rican borders could not be successful (1).

    It is worthwhile here to refer again to the writings of Carlos Fonseca in order to lay the groundwork for understanding Ubeda’s contribution. In Fonseca’s 1969 declaration, Nicaragua Hora Cero (Zero Hour), he points out that this defeat, along with the general decline of the Nicaraguan popular movement around 1963 (2), shattered the FSLN and thrust it into a period of quasi-reformism. While the Frente still maintained that armed struggle was the only way to achieve victory, “the reality was that for a while the practical work to continue preparing for armed struggle was interrupted. In addition, it is true that after the defeat in 1963, our movement emerged seriously conflicted, but didn’t know how to find the proper way to overcome this internal crisis.” (Obra Fundamental, pp. 152-153) Fonseca doesn’t argue against the period of recuperation, but rather notes that the FSLN failed to use this time to collect resources or train new combatants for a renewed attempt at waging war against the veiled dictatorship of the Somoza family.

    During this time between 1964 and 1966, the FSLN engaged in quasi-legal organizing with an organization known as the Republican Mobilization in urban areas, attempting to develop a broader anti-Somoza front.

    Ubeda, however, was one of the few members to remain in the mountains during this period of strategic confusion. As a leader of the Frente’s clandestine work during its brief above-ground phase, his assignment was to develop contacts with potential allies and collaborators and to seek out the prime location for the resumption of armed struggle. In the process, he became an organizer of some of the first peasant unions in Nicaragua, alongside fellow Sandinista Bernardino Diaz Ochoa. The work of Ubeda is summed up quite succinctly by Tomás Borge, commander and founder of the Frente, in his 1985 essay Marginal Notes on the Propaganda of the FSLN:

    Three consecutive years of underground work visiting everyone, hut by hut, household by household, ravine by ravine, from Pancasán passing through Peñas Blancas in Jinotega and following the Tuma River until he arrived on the Atlantic Coast where he traveled the long footpaths through the mining areas… Without his organizing work, Pancasán would never have been possible.

    In 1967, Ubeda was killed, along with FSLN founding member Silvio Mayorga and the rest of his unit, during the Pancasán campaign. While also a failure, the Sandinistas analyzed that this was a failure of a different type than that of Raití-Bocay; whereas the latter had been a failure on all fronts, Pancasán demonstrated a military failure but one in which political groundwork had been successfully laid—in part by the efforts of Úbeda—to maintain the activities of the revolutionary struggle.

    We will note in the lyrics that Carlos Mejía Godoy makes various references to Nicaraguan particularities; the opening stanza, for example, refers to animals and plants that I had never heard of before (and which you can read about by clicking the links I provided). We hear about Carlos Reyna, the National Guard, the cadejo, a juez de mesta, three towns, and three kinds of crops useful for hiding.

    Anyway, I hope you all dig the song and the little history lesson! You’ll find an English translation below.

    (1) On a few occasions before the formation of the FSLN, opposition groups, largely under the hegemony of the Conservative Party, attempted armed invasions of Nicaragua to overthrow the Somoza family’s hold on power. The 1959 El Chaparral guerrilla operation in which Carlos Fonseca participated (as a member of the Nicaraguan Socialist Party) was an unmitigated disaster, and ended up being the last attempt by the mainstream opposition to overthrow Somoza with force.

    (2) Fonseca attributes this to the farcical election of René Schick, a Somoza family ally, as president in the 1963 election and the natural decline of the revolutionary energy following the Cuban Revolution, at that point 4 years past.


    Se disfraza de espadillo, se disfraza de mozote
    y se convierte en pocoyo, conejo, garrobo, cusuco, pizote.

    Pablo Ubeda pasó ayer mismo muy temprano,
    Carlos Reyna lo encontró allá en el comisariato.

    Pero cómo sucedió? Si ayer en la madrugada
    el juez de mesta lo vio cruzándose la cañada.

    ¿Qué será esta confusión? se preguntaba el sargento,
    ¿no será que este cabrón es el mentado Cadejo?

    Lo vieron en Kuskawas, en La Tronca y en Waslala,
    ya no lo verán jamás, se lo tragó la montaña.

    Lo ayudan los vientos, las siete cabritas
    lo oculta el chagüite, lo esconde la milpa.

    La guardia dispara contra el cafetal…
    y sale Pablito sereno, pajito, bordeando el cañal.


    He disguises himself as espadillo, he disguises himself as mozote
    and he becomes a pauraque, a rabbit, an iguana, an armadillo, a coati.

    Pablo Ubeda passed by very early yesterday,
    Carlos Reyna (1) found him there in the commissary.

    But how did it happen, if yesterday morning
    the juez de mesta (2) saw him crossing the ravine?

    "What’s the confusion?" asked the sergeant,
    "Could it be that this bastard is the notorious Cadejo (3)?

    They saw him in Kuskawas, in La Tronca and in Waslala (4),
    but they will never see him again, he was swallowed by the mountain.

    He is helped by the winds, by the seven young kids,
    he is obscured by the banana stalks, he is hidden by the cornfield.

    The National Guard shoots at the coffee plants….
    and Pablito comes out calm, covered in straw, walking along the canal.

    (1) Carlos Reyna was an early member of the FSLN, joining the Frente after participating in the MNN. He was killed during the 1967 Pancasán operation along with Úbeda, Commander Silvio Mayorga, and a full third of the guerrilla force.

    (2) In Somoza-era Nicaragua, a juez de mesta was a middle/upper-class person in the countryside designated to resolve land disputes between peasants. During the Sandinista revolution, jueces de mesta were converted largely into a network of informants for the National Guard, during which time they were also called orejas, or ears.

    (3) The cadejo in Central America is a mythical dog known to accompany those who wander late at night. In most countries, it is believed that there are two cadejos: the white, which is considered a benign protector and is compared with the Christian concept of a guardian angel, and the black, which is the embodiment of evil and is the opposite of the white (racist). Pablo Úbeda’s informal title was El Cadejo de las Segovias, the Segovias being a forest in north-central Nicaragua.

    (4) Three remote areas northeast of Matagalpa in north-central Nicaragua.


    1. Borge, Tomas. “The Patient Impatience”.

    2. Zimmerman, Matilde. “Sandinista: Carlos Fonseca and the Nicaraguan Revolution”.

    3. Baracco, Luciano. “Nicaragua: The Imagining of a Nation”.



    "I am the armor piercer, I am the guide,
    I’m forever an expert of the night
    The happy firefly of the guerrilla,
    I am the compass of a tough bullet.”

    Carlos & Luis Enrique Mejia Godoy's 1979 album Guitarra Armada may not have been a musical perfection; the rhymes were often simplistic, the singing sometimes subpar. Still, this remains one of my favorite albums if only for its incredible historical significance.

    Recorded shortly after the Sandinista National Liberation Front’s (FSLN) overthrow of Anastasio Somoza Debayle and its arrival in Managua on July 19, 1979, the album features a collection of songs which had dispersed among the revolutionary forces during the course of the popular insurrection, which had begun on a national scale in the final months of 1978 as a result of both the assassination of Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, editor of La Prensa, that January and the FSLN’s assault of the Presidential Palace in August.

    Despite this bold action, in 1978 the FSLN was a small, weak, and divided organization. Its leader, Carlos Fonseca, had been killed in action two years earlier, it was split into three factions, and by the beginning of that year had a membership of likely less than 200 militants, including its rural guerrilla army of 11 people.

    But as the insurrection took hold in previously inactive sections of the population, the FSLN took note that, despite the courage and audacity of the people, most had little to no military training, either in tactical maneuvering or in in the use of arms. Weapons manuals were not widely available, and would not do much good anyway: around half of the Nicaraguan population was functionally illiterate.

    The Mejía Godoy brothers Carlos and Luis Enrique, both members of the FSLN, took it upon themselves to try something creative. Given the small size of the Frente, it did not have the capacity to teach everyone street fighting or weapons use. So the brothers began writing and recording songs with the intention of creating easily dispersible and memorizable tracks with full instructions in military training. This song, called The Munitions, was written to instruct participants of the insurrection on the purpose and use of different kinds of ammunition—standard ammunition, incendiary bullets, tracers, and the fragmentation grenade. Four singers each take on the perspective of a particular ammunition and sing about their qualities in different battle scenarios. [Unfortunately I do not have the album booklet and can’t recognize any of the women singers except that of Mexican folk musician Amparo Ochoa, who takes on the perspective of the standard bullet.]

    This creativity and ability to respond to the moment was immensely helpful in allowing the FSLN (reunited into a single organization in January of 1979) and the Nicaraguan people to defeat Anastasio Somoza’s National Guard, one of the most disciplined and best armed military forces in Latin America, and to begin a revolutionary process based in new institutions of popular power.

    You’ll find an English translation below, done to the best of my abilities. Enjoy!


    Compañero, estas balas fueron recuperadas en la caida de Matagalpa. O sea, son balas que sirvieron al enemigo. Pero ahora que las tenemos nosotros, ya no son las mismas. Sabes por que, compita? Porque estas balas nos estan sirviendo ahora para conquistar la libertad.

    Echele borona compita Venancio, de las municiones écheme un sermón
    yo prefiero hermano, que por separado, haga cada bala su presentación.

    Yo por ser la común y ordinaria, me siento en un nivel muy inferior
    Soy la bala certera endemoniada, henchida de eficacia y de rigor
    Cobriza como un indio americano, por ser de furia voy a lo que voy
    desde que salgo al viento, voy buscando el mero corazón del opresor

    Yo soy la munición por excelencia, sin despreciar a nadie en esta lid
    mis posibilidades en la guerra explican el porque yo estoy aquí
    Como incendiaria grito “siempre lista!” y como perforante rauda voy
    Yo soy la rojinegra sandinista, yo soy por vocación la munición

    Yo soy la trazadora combativa, anaranjado vivo mi color
    No tengo propiedades expansivas, pero hago lo que puedo en mi fulgor
    Yo soy la quiebra placa, soy la guía, baqueana de la noche siempre fui
    Luciérnaga feliz de la guerrilla, soy brújula del recio proyectil.

    Yo que puedo decir de mis valores, si ni siquiera tengo proyectil?,
    Es como sin tener mecha ni llama, quisiera ser antorcha o ser candil
    En mi viudez de cápsula vacia, va el alma del hermano que cayó,
    lanzando en el umbral de su partida una granada de fragmentación.


    Compañero, these bullets were recovered during the fall of Matagalpa. In other words, they are bullets that served the enemy. But now that we have them, they are no longer the same. Do you know why, comrade? Because these bullets are now serving us in the quest for freedom.

    Sing it, comrade Venancio, give me a sermon about our munitions
    and I’d prefer, brother, that they each give me a separate presentation

    I, being the common and ordinary one, feel like I’m on an inferior level
    I am a damn accurate bullet, bursting with efficiency and rigor
    Copper like an indigenous American, in my fury I go where I wish
    from the time I enter the wind, I search for the heart of the oppressor

    I am the most excellent bullet without belittling anyone in this contest
    my potential in war explains the reason that I am here
    As an incendiary I shout “always ready!”, and as an piercer I am swift
    I am the Sandinista red-and-black, I am a munition by profession

    I am the combative tracer, bright orange is my color
    I don’t have expansive properties, but I do what I can with my glow
    I am the armor piercer, I am the guide, I’m forever an expert of the night
    The happy firefly of the guerrilla, I am the compass of a tough bullet

    What can I say of my value if I don’t even have a projectile?
    It’s like not having a wick or flame, I’d love to be a torch or candle
    In my empty-capsule widowhood goes the soul of a fallen comrade,
    launching a fragmentation grenade on the eve of his departure

  8. 34 years ago today, the Sandinista National Liberation Front entered Managua, after a year and a half of mass people’s insurrection, and officially overthrew the flailing Somoza dynasty that had ruled Nicaragua as a proxy for U.S. interests since 1936. President Anastasio Somoza Debayle had fled the capital two days earlier.

    Photo by Marcelo Montecino, who has a great Flickr page here.


  9. "Long live the Sandinistas, Nicaragua is ready!"

    This is a traditional cueca recorded by the Chilean ensemble ¡Karaxú! either the day of, or in the days right after, the victory of the Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua on July 19th, 1979 (we are celebrating the 34th anniversary today). ¡Karaxú! was a group formed in exile in 1974 that was politically supportive of the banned Chilean MIR (Revolutionary Left Movement) and originally led by Patricio Manns. This album, officially untitled but known colloquially as “La Bahía,” was released in 1979 and recorded in Copenhagen, Denmark; ¡Karaxú! toured European countries playing shows and raising funds for the resistance to the Chilean military dictatorship.

    In the song we can hear references to “liberated Managua” and “the tyrant [Anastasio Somoza] and his [familial] dynasty.” It’s very short (1:46), as are most cuecas, and well worth a listen if you’re interested in marking this anniversary with me! Viva Nicaragua!

    la vida
    se me enciende, se me enciende el corazón
    la vida por el pueblo, por el pueblo ‘e Nicaragua
    la vida como quisie’, como quisiera este día
    la vida ver Managua, ver Managua liberada
    la vida se me enciende, se me enciende el corazón

    caiga el tirano, caiga, y con él su dinastia
    que dos mil amapolas florezcan en este día
    caiga, el tirano, caiga, y con él su dinastia
    su dinastia, sí, obreros y campesinos
    van tomando los pueblos por el nombre de Sandino
    caiga, el tirano, caiga, obreros y campesinos
    que vivan los Sandinistas, Nicaragua ya se alista!



    "But this sun is done for, it’s burning out
    The gringo oppressor is trembling now
    The poor people of the world are marching
    Let’s sing, brothers and sisters, to the new sun”

    Here’s a cool song from the Chicano movement in the United States, basically calling for a third world revolution against U.S. imperialism to give birth to the “new sun,” representing a new era for humanity rising from the ashes of colonialism and oppression.

    Los Peludos recount the history of Mexico’s and Latin America’s victimization at the hands of Spain and the U.S. and insist that, for Chicanos, liberation will be the result of “searching inside yourselves for the Indian of yesterday,” whose “nobleness and humanity will give you the forces of liberty.” The song uses a framework based on mestizaje—the process by which a ‘new people’ was created through the violent intermixing of Spanish and indigenous peoples—that has somewhat fallen out of favor in Chicano circles (criticism focuses on how centering mestizaje ignores that indigenous people still exist), but let’s appreciate the song for what it is and its overall revolutionary character.


    Ésta es la era del sol, del quinto sol

    Trajo gachupines con todo y frailes
    Trajo a Jesucristo y a Richard Nixon
    Trajo la viruela y hasta la sífilis
    Y ahora en vez de náhuatl, hablo español

    También trajo un vato, llamado Cortez
    que con La Malinche, metieron las tres
    Y de la conquista, y la destrucción
    nacieron mestizos, hijos del sol

    Pero este sol ya se acabó, se está apagando
    El gringo opresor ya está temblando
    Todo el mundo pobre ya va marchando
    Cantemos hermanos, al nuevo sol

    Por trescientos años colonizaron
    y al indio noble aniquilaron
    y la independencia, nos dió las tierras
    pero los controles venían de afuera.
    Sudamericano, tú lo sabes bien,
    Tú sufres las hambres y otros comen bien.
    Muera el monopolio y su religión,
    mueran las alianzas con el opresor.

    Pero este sol……

    President Monroe te lo prometía
    que las tierras libres, el respetaría
    Y así prometiendo no colonizar
    Tomó Puerto Rico, Hawaii y Aztlán

    Hermano Chicano, no hay que decaer
    Busca en tus entrañas al indio de ayer
    Sólo su nobleza y su humanidad
    te darán las fuerzas de la libertad

    Pero este sol….


  11. Photos from Marcelo Montecino, taken in the years immediately before and after the Nicaraguan Revolution.


  12. "I want the Left to offer an actual alternative for daily life when the enthusiasm is over. I want the Left to be able to change things at the most everyday, common-life level. You cannot have all the time this enthusiastic, participatory-democracy mobilization. Let’s be frank: I don’t want to be mobilized politically all the time. I want an anonymous power which, in a relatively-efficient, non-corrupted way, does its job so that I can do my crazy philosophy… Don’t fall in love with this enthusiastic moment of “oh, it’s immediate democracy.” Yes, it is: for two months."
    — Slavoj Žižek


  14. RED & BLACK CAFE * 400 SE 12TH AVE * PORTLAND, OR * MON. APR. 22 * 7PM

    Over the last sixteen years millions in Nepal have risen up to change their fate. They waged ten years of people’s war, battling against kings, castes, landlord classes, and foreign domination. Many around the world hoped for a revolutionary seizure of power and a new society for Nepal. After suffering tremendous setbacks the revolutionary dreamers are regrouped, aiming to start a communist revolution anew.

    In January of 2013, revolutionary journalists Natalio Perez and Liam Wright of the Kasama Project traveled to Nepal. Their presentation will tell the story of Nepal’s revolution, the current situation there, feature video and photos from their journey.

    I’m speaking at this! If you’re in Portland, come through!!!


  15. chisparoja:


    A lot has changed on Kasama. We’ve concieved of this new site as a hub upon where new generations of revolutionaries can mutually search for our own uncharted course. That means it features both polemical content for study and struggle representing a range of politics, and it features a networking capacity to allow those conversations to become horizontal and far reaching. We’ve also designed many of the features on this site with a culture of revolutionary organizing in mind, and we hope that this platform can be used for study groups, networking, organizing projects, and more.

    Navigating the new site

    To begin with, the homepage is now known as Kasama Main. It will serve as the central point where key pieces appear for discussion. 

    Under the projects tab, you’ll find each of the media projects of Kasama: Revolution in South AsiaWinter Has its End, and Khukuri Theory. We’re working on adding blogs for local collectives as well. We’ll also be re-pointing the domain names of those sites so that you’ll be able to use them to access those sections of the site (ie. winterends.net to access the new Winter has its End on Kasama).

    You can also use the “Topics” menu to browse all of the content on the site by topic.

    Open Threads has been added as an open blogging platform. Anyone who registers an account can submit blog posts to this section. We’ll also be promoting the best of the posts from this section to the Kasama Main for discussion.

    Kasama Social is a new social network platform built into the site. It allows users to create a profile, chat with each other in real-time (one on one, or create a chatroom for meetings, study, or just to hang out). It also allows for the creation of groups, which can be used for focused study of specific topics, meetings, etc.

     The old site can also still be found at archive.kasamaproject.org.

    Submitting articles

    You can submit articles either by publishing the article to the Open Threads section, or by using the Contact form located in the site menu.

    Security practices

    We’d like to think that because this platform is hosted by an organization of revolutionaries (rather than a site like Facebook), that people’s profiles and private communications are much more secure here. That might be marginally true.

    But regardless: we should assume that the state has access to all of the communications that take place here. Don’t add a picture of yourself to your profile unless you’ve made a conscious decision to be a public person. And please, use a fake name.

    What else?

    There’s still a lot of bugs in this site. Please let us know when you find them. You can let us know in the comments down below, or send us a message using the Contact form.

    You may notice the old translations tab has disappeared, and so have the reading clusters. That is because both were outdated, and we are developing a much better system for both (including a better way to handle multi-language content, and developing a Spanish version of the site, etc.). In the meantime, you can still find the old versions on the Kasama Archive.


    (Source: chisparoja)